Y’all Politics’ Frank Corder Lazily Shills for the Establishment
By Trey Goff
One of the hallmarks of the establishment is their persistence in wishing conservatives would go away and stop bothering them so they can continue practicing their crony corporatist government syndicalism unimpeded by the likes of the grassroots.
Frank Corder’s latest cheerleading effort for his pals’ graft is no exception.
Corder’s domain consists exclusively of the subjunctive; he eschews reality in favor of “maybes” and “could’ves” in a poor attempt at marginalizing a man who is clearly a threat to his establishment comrades.
And though he writes from the Gulf Coast, Corder’s angle of perspective is couched from a view high atop the state capitol in Jackson, or, more likely, from the top of the Butler Snow law firm in Madison County.
Corder’s clear objective—to marginalize Michael Watson, a man who is quite obviously an up-and-coming star in the Republican Party—imbues every smarmy word he clicks into his keyboard. The tactics are familiar: project upon one’s opponents the character flaws most prominent in one’s self or in one’s preferred candidates.
Mr. Corder’s first wish? To paint Mr. Watson as arrogant by way of innuendo and hearsay. Corder then criticizes Senator Watson for keeping company with true reformers focused on preserving the integrity of Mississippi’s elections. That Mr. Corder is so desperate to construe Watson’s fight for good policy as irrelevant to the public policy process is evidence that Mr. Corder is less interested in good policy than in political expediency and his own personal access to power.
Corder’s mental agility here is admirable. He somehow manages to avoid mentioning the arrogance of the Republican establishment—which sought to destroy conservatives by labeling them as racists during the Senate primary—and instead labels the very conservatives that were so heinously vilified as arrogant themselves.
Meanwhile, not one Republican official, aside from Trent Lott, who indicated that the Mississippi GOP “could use a shake-up, has spoken out against the despicable tactics Cochran and Henry Barbour employed against conservatives in June.
Corder’s cynicism seemingly knows no bounds. His next wish? That Lt. Governor Reeves’ ability to kill good conservative legislation for political reasons will somehow be seen as a negative by voters who desire reform. That wish is also unlikely to be granted.
After much hand wringing, Corder changes course, and predicts Watson will cruise to reelection in the senate without a hitch. He predicts Watson will win “despite his record,” revealing yet another wish. He desperately wants the echo chamber in Jackson to repeat his false refrain: “Watson hasn’t accomplished anything.”
The truth is Corder and the Jackson cognoscenti fear Watson because Watson has a stellar legislative record.
In the first year of Watson’s freshman term, he passed a form of E-verify legislation, with much crowing from Barbour et al., and his legislation became a model for the nation.
No one can argue that Mississippi now has charter schools because of Watson’s relentless work on school choice. Even when Lt. Gov. Reeves stripped him from the committee, the Chairmen and many others on the committee often consulted with Watson on the legislation.
And Watson was lead author on the Fetal Protection Act of 2011, a law that protects the unborn by providing legal penalty for harm suffered by a fetus during a crime against the mother.
Corder’s next shameless wish is that “Reeves may well be more Tea Party than the Tea Party when you look at his record,” goes unsubstantiated. He offers not one iota of evidence for this claim, and doesn’t even seem to blush at the absurdity that his establishment pals would even deign to publicly associate themselves with the Tea Party after months of deriding the Tea Party daily.
This is Corder’s most ridiculous wish, and it lays bare his motivation: in the end, Corder desires to injure the image of a rising Republican star who also happens to be one of the most conservative members of the state senate, while simultaneously wishing to shift the conservative mantle onto Tate Reeves, the man who killed every piece of legislation the senate conservatives introduced.
Corder and the GOP establishment are acutely aware they need the votes of those 185,000 McDaniel Republicans. The establishment should fear any candidate who might be able to galvanize the intensity of that sector of the electorate which the Cochran/Barbour machine so heinously vilified.
2015 is still a long way off, and much can happen between now and then, but its clear Corder and his ilk will be wishing and hoping and praying the Barbour machine didn’t damage establishment office holders too badly with their campaign tactics in June of 2014.
The larger question is whether conservatives will vote for those incumbents who have thus far remained silent on Barbour’s tactics or whether—as the hashtag advises—they’ll #RememberMississippi.